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Standards creating barriers to market access An Invitation to take the initiative on trade issues Want
a free run, behave responsibly Clinics can’t deny emergency service Coalitions in trade have their own algebra Trade in services: India at the world’s disposal Labour: Just holding the line is not sufficient Is the vaccine more dangerous than the cure_ |
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An Invitation to take the initiative on trade issues
Published: Financial Times, August 26, 2002 , Gene
Hutchinson Sir,
Your editorial ‘A good deal on trade’ (July 29) produced
an interesting letter from Mr Pradeep Mehta, secretary
general of the CUTS Centre for International Trade,
Economics and Environment in Jaipur, India (August 8). Mr.
Mehta asserts that ‘standards, and the uncertainties they
create, are getting in the way of producers getting better
market access and the right price for their produce’. He
continues ‘that there is negligible information exchange
between developed-country consumers and developing-country
producers on issues of standards’. We are surprised that
he sees standards as creating uncertainty. Where is his
evidence_ The
International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO) has
been developing international consensus-based standards for
many years, and the standards are published and widely
available. All relevant stakeholders are able to participate
in the development process and the voting procedure provides
an opportunity for any member country to express approval or
disapproval. The
ISO recognises the importance of proper consumer input in
standards development and the resourcing difficulties
consumers have. There is therefore an arrangement that
allows Consumers International (CI) – and Mr. Mehta’s
organisation is a member of CI – to represent consumer
interests in ISO technical work. The ISO is well aware of
the difficulties of the less powerful stakeholders and long
ago established policy committees – the committee on
developing country matters and the committee on consumer
policy – to advise on the needs of these special groups.
This year the committee on consumer policy’s international
workshop addressed corporate social responsibility and the
role of standards. The lack of information, and hence trust,
between the ‘developed-country consumers’ and the
‘developing-country producers’ was identified as an
issue; and standards, in which relevant stakeholders
participated, were seen as helpful. Two
current ISO initiatives are relevant to the issues raised by
Mr Mehta. First, a programme sponsored by the World Trade
Organisation to equip all developing country National
Standards Bodies (NSBs) with the IT necessary to benefit
fully from standardisation should enable developing country
producers to get advice about international standards and
other standards. Second, concern that the NSBs in many
developing countries do not engage adequately with their
various stakeholders has prompted an initiative to promote
better communications. On September 24 in Stockholm the
committee on developing country matters is organising an
open workshop to move this initiative forward. We do hope to
see Mr Mehta there. Gene
Hutchinson Standards creating barriers to market access Published: Financial Times, August 08, 2002 , By Pradeep S Mehta
Sir,
I agree with your editorial (A good deal on trade, July 29)
that the “fast track” authority for US President George
W. Bush would help in taking forward the Doha round of world
trade talks. This is the driver of world trade talks,
unfortunately. However,
Washington needs to rethink on some of the steps that it had
taken in recent times, particularly those relating to
agricultural subsidies and the backtracking on the
implementation agenda agreed upon as a package during Doha
discussions. Such
steps result in uncertainties, which may slow the momentum
of negotiations. The
two leading trading blocks (the US and the European Union)
should assert that the quality of market openness is more
important than opening of markets per
se. It is true that for many agricultural products
developed countries have reduced tariff barriers. But the
crux of the matter is whether developing countries’
products are getting better market access or not. The
answer is somewhat in the negative, given the proliferation
of non-tariff barriers, particularly with regard to health
and consumer safety. For many countries, standards – and
the uncertainties they create – are getting in the way of
producers getting better market access and the right price
for their produce. As
a social activist from a large developing country and being
closely associated with the international consumer movement
and trade, I can say that there is negligible information
exchange between developed-country consumers and
developing-country producers on issues of standards. One
solution could be to institute a process of dialogue process
between these groups so the information asymmetry (and
resultant market uncertainties) could be reduced
significantly. Want
a free run, behave responsibly Published: Financial Express, August 05, 2002 , By Pradeep S Mehta
Once during the board meeting of the Life Insurance Corporation of India (LIC), a peculiar situation arose. Firstly, the board’s approval was sought for a donation to a cancer society. Secondly, money was sought to be earmarked for an ITC-sponsored sports event. I pointed out the contradiction between the two sub-items, one helping cancer victims, and the other supporting a cancer-causing business. I argued in vain that it is socially irresponsible for the LIC to either sponsor or invest something in such industry, which is health hazardous. I was overruled by the board. They said that as far as the Government of India doesn’t prevent them from investing in such companies, they will continue to do so. The only concession I gained in this battle was a resolution that they would no longer co-sponsor any event, which is being sponsored by a tobacco or liquor company. Indeed, people invest in tobacco or even liquor companies as shareholders and the company ensures a good return on their investments. But that is not the only thing which is the issue here. Businesses need to work in a socially responsible manner, which goes beyond shareholder satisfaction. It covers employees, consumers and community generally, and compliance with the laws. All things which are required for being a good corporate citizen. The simplistic view that seemed to prevail even in the early 1990s that business leaders need to focus single-mindedly on shareholder value as determined by the share price, and that financial analysts are the best judges of business strategy, may have clouded better judgements. However, in today’s world the old business strategy of maximising profit, neglecting the social, economic and environmental impacts of its operations maybe a recipe for disaster. There are at least two good reasons why business must live up to its broader role in society. The first is responsibility that comes with freedom. Increasing freedom from controls on business and the growing respect for market institutions in the later part of the century, accompanied by the decline in the role, resources, and even respect for governments, has given more power to business leaders. With this power comes the responsibility for making sure that right things are done in society. From the time of Adam Smith to Mahatma Gandhi to the doyen of modern management, Peter Drucker, it has been argued that businesses cannot function in vacuum. Gandhi and Drucker stressed the social responsibility dimension by defining entrepreneurs, owners and managers as trustees for future generations. They need to look beyond the selfish needs of the individual organisations to ensure not only continuity of capital but also the establishment of socially useful and productive capital. The second reason is that the backlash against globalisation by a rapidly globalising civil society can destabilise the highly profit-oriented operations of the corporations. This battle is against the growing influence of business, who wield disproportionate power over national and international institutions. Many of the top 100 corporations in the world have revenues, which are greater than most countries of the world. In the past when the countries were not so closely integrated, businesses viewed different markets in isolation. But today even one act of irresponsibility in one market will create ripple effects throughout the world as we are living in a globalised environment, with very fast information and communication processes. Way back in the late thirties more than 100 people died from drinking Elixir Sulfanilamide, a form of sulfa medicine that was manufactured and sold in the United States. The company continued to do good business even after such a disaster. But in today’s world it would not be so easy to remain in business after such a scandal. Today Enron is a household name, of course, for a wrong reason. Andersen lost many of its important clients throughout the world after the Enron debacle. Thus, though the corporate manager’s job is to maximise shareholder value, at the same time they should return something to the larger community, which they function in. And it makes good business sense also because it is not only the employees who want to be associated with corporates with a good public image, but also because the customers want competitive products, which are manufactured in a socially responsible manner. Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is a constantly evolving concept, where the concepts of work and industries are constantly shifting to adapt to new paradigms. CSR still remains poorly defined. In the US, for example, it is considered by many as charity performed by businesses. At the same time, the current focus on the transparency, corporate governance and responsible behaviour has propelled CSR from a quiet corner of the corporate world to centrestage—and managers are struggling to catch up. The value-addition of CSR is quite evident. There have been many studies purporting to prove that it improves profits but they are not entirely convincing. Craig Smith, associate professor of marketing and ethics at London Business School, has identified 80 studies. Of these, 42 demonstrated a positive impact, 19 found no link, 15 produced mixed results and only four showed a negative impact. There are companies that have managed to turn a commitment to CSR into financial success. UK-based Co-operative Bank’s policy of ethical investment has helped to turn it from loss making outfit to profit making one and to bring a nearly fivefold increase in customer deposits in 10 years. An independent cost-benefit analysis in year 2001 estimated that the bank’s environmental and ethical policies accounted for between 15 per cent and 18 per cent of its pre-tax profits. An industry accumulates significant wealth by creating and responding to market demand while ignoring the social or environmental consequences of their business practices. Once the impact of bad corporate behaviour becomes severe and obvious enough, the backlash promotes a change in practice. This is a cycle, which could be radically compressed, putting the cost of litigation and image-rebuilding back into the bottomline, if the owners of corporations used CSR mechanism and acted in their own self-interest to motivate management to take a long-term view and respect the world around them. In India businesses detest regulation. Whenever government talks of any regulatory initiatives, they find the ghost of licence-permit raj in it. They want more freedom. The opposition to the proposed competition law is a case in point. But can they guarantee that they are not indulging in anti-competitive practices_ Are many of them not colluding in every which way and exploiting consumers_ The recent opposition to the enactment of a law to recover non-performing assets is a joke. They must not forget that SEBI was created after the stock market scam engineered by Harshad Mehta. Thus if they really want freedom so that they can productively use their resources in pursuance of their main goal of creation of wealth, and also contribute to the society, they must behave in a responsible manner so that they are subject to minimum regulation and no over-zealous application of regulatory measures.
Courting FDIs with a game plan
Published: Business Line, July 02, 2002 , By Tapas Das An
industrialisation strategy based on a universally liberal
policy to allow foreign investment across all sectors may
not be successful in the long run. Developing countries
would do well to adopt a more differentiated and strategic
approach. Concomitantly,
it would be a mistake for developing countries to
voluntarily give up all room for manoeuvring by adopting a
“universally liberal policy across all sectors”. Multinational
corporations (MNCs) do not have superior bargaining power in
all countries in all industries. Their
bargaining power ranges from being almost absolute (for
example, Nike looking for an investment site for shoe
production) to being close to zero (an automobile MNCs
trying to curry favour with the Chinese Government for the
people’s car project) depending on the industry and the
country. Moreover,
many developing countries do have some “bargaining
chips” in relation to some industries – especially where
transportation costs (to supply the market) are relatively
high and proximity to consumers is important for marketing.
China, India, Brazil and the rapidly growing East Asian
economies are good examples. There
could be other important factors influencing developing
countries’ bargaining power. For example, the East
European bloc, Vietnam and China, have a relatively
well-educated and trained labour force. Others still have
locational advantages – for example, Mexico vis-à-vis
the US, and Central and Southern European countries vis-à-vis
the richer Western European nations. This
substantiates the case for a strategic industrial policy
because it means that governments should design their policy
towards MNCs according to the needs of particular sectors. This
is because each sector serves a different function in the
overall economic development of a country. It
would be unwise to have either uniformly restrictive or
uniformly liberal policies towards MNCs across all
industries. This means that the same industry may relatively
be more open or less open to FDI, depending on the various
changes in internal and external conditions that affect it. However,
adopting liberal FDI policies across sectors and industries
would mean giving up a country’s potential bargaining
power even before exercising it. There
is, however, no gainsaying the fact that potential
bargaining power does not directly translate into the right
amount and composition of incoming FDI. It depends on the
general economic conditions and administrative capability of
government to actually exercise such power. Recent
theoretical developments and empirical studies suggest that
long-term productivity enhancement may be better achieved by
an industrialisation strategy that emphasises building local
managerial and technological capabilities and uses MNCs in a
selective, strategic manner. The
policies employed in Taiwan and Korea show that while MNCs
can and should be used, their role needs to be defined in
relation to the overall industrialisation strategy and the
specific needs of the industries concerned. Similarly,
Singapore, which relied heavily on MNCs, deliberately
directed FDI towards government-directed priority sectors ab
initio. It
is not only governments that compete among themselves to
attract FDI, MNCs also compete with one another to enter
attractive host countries to take advantage of higher
returns on investment, productive assets, locational
advantages and market size. Criticisms
of FDI with respect to ‘surplus extraction through
transfer pricing’, ‘excessive royalty payments’,
inappropriateness of production technology or product mix’
have sometimes been out of proportion. Again the beliefs of
neo-liberal commentators that MNCs can move elsewhere if
their freedom of action is restrained have hardly any truth
in them. It
is true that some industries (garments, shoes, toys) where
‘sunk’ costs are low and MNCs can be footloose. But
there are others (power, chemicals, pharmaceuticals) with
high sunk costs and sub-contracting networks, from which
MNCs would not be able to pull out of at the slightest
adverse change in host country policies. Whether
adopting a more liberal FDI policy, without adopting the
policies that substantially improve the economic prospects,
will lead to an increase in FDI flows in a country is highly
questionable. So long as host country policies do not
involve asset appropriation and other measures that threaten
basic capitalist property relations, FDI policies seem to be
much less important than factors such as growth prospects of
the domestic market or political stability of a country in
determining MNC investment decisions. A government may adopt
two strategies in relation to MNC participation. One is to
have a liberal FDI policy initially to develop an industry.
However,
when it is established that the industry has developed
sufficient technological capability and local firms have
been able to stand on their own feet, it could impose
tougher restrictions on MNCs. Another strategy could be to
relax rules in relation to MNC participation in an industry
when there is a major technological change, which often put
developing country in a difficult situation to face the
highly competitive international market with their present
technological capability.
City blood banks need modern gear
Published: The Times of India, May 08, 2002 , By Soumi Ghosh CUTS Centre for Sustainable Production & Consumption- Calcutta
Blood transfusion saves millions
of lives every year, provided a safe supply can be guaranteed.
Unfortunately, the safety of our blood banks and blood camps leave a lot
to be desired. Recently, Human Immunodeficiency
Virus (HIV) was found in the blood of eight thalassemic children when they
were tested at the School of Tropical Medicine, in Kolkata. The Central Blood Bank in Manicktala has found HIV in blood of another five thalassemic children. Seven more children with the same affliction were infected by Hepatitis C. In all these cases, the doctors believe that the children got infected during blood transfusion, as many thalassemic children have to take blood almost twice a month. Blood transfusion has become one
of the most feared forms of disease contamination. Doctors blame the
screening and testing procedures used by blood banks for the menace. HIV
kits used by a majority of blood banks are not sensitive enough to detect
the presence of HIV. According to doctors, blood
banks should immediately start using the P24 antigen test, as it can
detect infection in collected blood samples up to a period of one week
after contraction of the disease. However, it may not be economically
feasible for government blood banks. The Institute of Blood
Transfusion and Immunohaematology IBTI) formerly known as Central Blood
Bank is in no position to introduce P24 test that costs Rs 7,000 and
polymer chain reaction (PCR) test, the best way to detect all types of
infection comes at a staggering Rs 22,000 per sample. According to the draft National
Blood Policy, testing for HIV should be restricted to laboratories that
have ELISA facilities. It also discourages rapid testing kit and the
centres using those must send ten percent of the samples to a referral
centre for revalidation of the results. But the most dependable
institution in Calcutta, the School of Tropical Medicine does not have the
ELISA reader instrument. Neither does it have any sophisticated machinery
as a substitute. The institute still has to
depend on old foreign machines that were brought in the sixties. In no
other state are such outdated instruments used. The Blood Transfusion Service in
the country is highly decentralised and lacks vital resources like trained
manpower, adequate infrastructure and financial base. Fragmented
management is plaguing the blood banking system in the country.
Another reason that makes blood unsafe is oversupply. Social service organisations tend to organise camps only during important occasions and festivals. During these times, supply increases beyond holding capacity, but blood cells cannot be stored beyond 35 days. Due to improper storage, there are high chances of blood becoming contaminated. The government should take steps to ensure licensing of all blood banks and gradual phasing out of the professional donor system. A Supreme Court order exists to this effect. To ensure quality and safety of blood and blood products, well-equipped centres with adequate infrastructure and trained manpower are required. The government should start thinking seriously about modernisation of blood banks at the earliest. The media too can play a role in making people more aware of the precautions that need to be taken before donating and receiving blood. In general, it is safe to donate blood, but before donating, the donor should make sure that the needle and other clinical material used should be new and sterile. Before receiving blood, one should check for HIV, Hepatitis B, Hepatitis C,VDRL and malaria. Awareness should be spread among people so that they should always purchase blood from a licensed organisation and insist on screened blood packs. Published: The Times of India, April 03, 2002 , By Soumi Ghosh CUTS Centre for Sustainable Production & Consumption- Calcutta
In liberalised India, imported
chocolates have flooded the market. Foreign brands now find pride of place
in large shops and roadside stalls. But inferior brands from Nepal and
Dubai have entered the metros. Most of these cheaper brands do not conform
to required standards. All food product manufacturers,
both Indian and foreign, must get Central Committee for Food Standards (CCFS)
approval, specifying the type of food product and its contents. But
according to Dr S Babu Rao, assistant director at Food and Toxicology
Department, National Institute of Nutrition, food products are being
dumped into the market without approval from CCFS. He warned that Indian
consumers who buy imported products, without CCFS approval, could be
exposed to health hazards. Last year, imported chocolates
worth Rs 50,000 were seized from a shop at Canning Street in Kolkata, as
attempts were made to extend the expiry date and most of them were in
melting condition. Earlier, adulterated Indian chocolates were seized from
the Raja Katra area of Burrabazar. The attractive packaging of foreign
chocolates easily attracts children and unfortunately, ignorant parents
are ready to pamper to these instincts.
The survey revealed that
chocolates like Nikolo, Cosmos, Go Fresh, Meentos, Jin Tan, Snicker,
Lolibon, Ammer, Bounty, Strawberry Jelly Candy Drops do not measure up to
the norms. There were violations in
ingredients used in synthetic colour; in most cases and most chocolates
were found in melted condition. In these circumstances, consumers should
be aware of the serious implications on their health if they consume food,
which violate safety norms. In fact, individual consumers can take the
initiative to prosecute importers and manufacturers if laws are violated. Published: The Times of India, February 26, 2002 , By Soumi Ghosh CUTS Centre for Sustainable Production & Consumption- Calcutta
In our
overcrowded cities, accidents have almost taken the form of epidemic. In
such circumstances, the role of medical institutions become imoprtant.
Published: The Economic Times, February 9, 2002, By Pradeep S Mehta Secretary
General CUTS Centre for International Trade, Economics and Environment It is unwise and unfair to say that a negotiating strategy based on alliances with other developing countries is meaningless (“Keeping the trade cart firmly before the horse”, Narendar Pani, ET, January 11). On the contrary, that strategy got India a far better result at the Doha Ministerial Meeting of the WTO than any she could have got otherwise. That same strategy will also be useful in handling the Doha Development Agenda, whose algebra will need hard bargaining. Coalitions, alliances on dimensions of development among like-minded countries will be crucial. Most developing countries who were in the alliance in the run-up to Doha left India by the end, but only due to last minute pressures from developed countries on whom they are dependent for trade, investment and aid. But they had been firmly behind the positions of like-minded countries — India included — in the run up to Doha; otherwise the majority of the gains on issues like implementation, TRIPs and public health would have eluded us. Developing countries tasted blood when the election of the director general was held up despite pressures from rich countries. That set a new precedent in September 1999: two DGs were elected, each for 2-year terms. Thailand’s Supachai Panitchpakdi is to succeed Mike Moore in September 2002. The Seattle Ministerial’s failure in December 2000 also buttressed the developing world’s self-esteem and gave them the confidence to assert themselves. Thus, the ghost of Seattle dictated what was to happen at Doha. Implementation issues, a part of the Seattle/post-Seattle agenda, needed a prior negotiating framework. India knew that only a new agenda would allow progress on old issues. Secondly, WTO members did not want failure with the world in recession. Hence, many developing economies went along with the rich countries. They agreed to a conclusion in their own interests. India too did that, rather than be a spoilsport. But rich countries were not united on every issue in the current negotiating agenda. The United States is not eager for an investment and competition policy at the WTO, but complied with EU demands to ensure the success of the Doha ministerial. Another error Mr Pani’s article makes, and one which can harm India’s negotiating strategy, is that the government is trying to introduce a competition policy. Firstly, the government is not doing that; it only wants a new competition law tailored to modern times. Secondly, we have had a competition law, the Monopolies & Restrictive Trade Practices Act since 1969. But it was better known for its licensing and control policies. That changed with reforms in 1991. The MRTP Act has been used successfully in many anti-competitive cases, including cross-border abuses. That has helped to build up a body of knowledge, which other developing countries can learn from. That said, India needs to identify issues that cut across poor and rich for a future agenda. That will ensure the build-up of alliances and coalitions on the negotiating agenda of Doha. Many pundits, for instance, argue that an international agreement on movement of labour is infeasible. But many developing countries are interested; so are the rich because of domestic problems like an ageing and diminishing population. Many new sectors are opening up other than information technology: health care, education, catering, etc. One of the biggest advantages India offers to other developing countries is the intellectual capacity to develop scientific arguments in negotiations. Many small, less developed countries look up to India’s positions, giving her a leadership role. The experience of the last six years or so shows us how to use this advantage to build and sustain coalitions, not alliances, at the WTO. But there two hurdles here, calling for a new strategy. Firstly we must develop a permanent cadre of trade negotiators, lawyers and economists who will retain the institutional memory in their heads. They can be from the civil service, but the system must change to allow a civil servant to choose a permanent path after the initial 10-15 years of generalist duties. This applies to many other areas, including negotiations on environment. Secondly, we will need a more informed political consensus to enable the commerce ministry to exploit opportunities in a liberalised world trade order. But a better informed debate can only ensue if there is transparency and publicity. States are gearing up by establishing WTO cells, and they will assert themselves more than before. The best place to develop a better consensus among them is the National Development Council, which too needs more independence than it has. We will otherwise be guided by domestic pressures at WTO, and not by the country’s best interest |
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DOMESTIC AGENDA ON WTO ISSUES-II Trade in services: India at the world’s disposal Published: Financial Express, February 9, 2002 , By Pradeep S Mehta & Sandeep Singh CUTS Centre for International Trade, Economics and Environment Dani Rodrik, the noted economist, has established that if the rich countries allowed import of temporary skilled and unskilled workers from the poor countries to the extent of only 3 per cent of its labour force, it would yield $200 billion per annum. “This will be vastly more than the World Bank’s much-inflated estimate of the gains from the traditional trade agenda. Moreover, these gains would directly accrue to workers from developing countries obviating reliance on trickle-down economics,” he argued recently in an article in the Financial Times. This should sound as music to our domestic policy-makers. Over the last decade, India’s performance in international trade on the merchandise front might not have been very impressive but she has made significant progress in trade in services. While India’s share in world merchandise exports has gone up marginally from 0.5 per cent in 1990 to 0.7 per cent in 2000, its share in exports of services has taken a big leap forward from 0.6 per cent in 1990 to 1.2 per cent in 2000. India is emerging as a ‘natural choice’ for services given its comparative advantage in terms of low cost manpower and high computer literacy. The Doha Ministerial meeting has squarely put the services sector on the fast track. India with its already large and growing sector is likely to gain extensively from liberalisation of services. Technological developments in computing and communications are providing an opportunity to India to telescope decades of development and ‘leap frog’ into the information age in a relatively short period of time. However, we need to look beyond infotech and also focus on other potential areas wherein we are traditionally strong, e.g. health, educational and other labour-oriented services. The Uruguay Round brought the services sector for the first time into the fold of multilateral trade negotiations. The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) sets out the rules and procedures across nations. GATS is different from other GATT 1994 agreements in a sense that each particular sector must be specifically placed under the auspices of the agreement for it to operate in that sector. This ‘positive list’ approach differs from the usual ‘negative list’ approach, which means that every relevant sector is covered by the agreement unless it is listed as being excluded. Thus, under the GATS Agreement, no sector is covered unless it is listed as being covered. GATS is the most complicated of all the GATT/WTO agreements because of two reasons. First, the Agreement follows the established GATT format in the application of the most favoured nation and national treatment principles yet it adopted the ‘positive list’ approach. Second, the operation of the MFN principle is complicated by the inclusion of an appendix to the Agreement in which countries are allowed to list those sectors for which this principle will not apply for a period of 10 years. As far as the Indian economy is concerned, the services sector, with as high as 47 per cent share, has become the largest contributor to national income. Furthermore, in recent years, this sector has created the maximum number of jobs and is expected to continue do so. In the international trade context, it is becoming increasingly evident that the efficiency and quality of this sector will be critical to its development htmlirations. To make India a world class service provider, we need to strengthen the supply capacity and enhance the competitiveness of our services sector. This can be best done by domestic policy reforms, introducing competition in the supply of services, particularly infrastructure, under robust and competitively natural regulatory regimes to address market failure, protect consumer interests and meet universal service obligations. The GATS Agreement is definitely an important push for this drive and our policy-makers are doing good work at international fora but the domestic agenda is equally important. We need to take initiatives at domestic level to make service-industries competitive. The last Exim Policy was a step forward in this regard, wherein service providers with a turnover of Rs 100 crore or more were encouraged by according them “International Service House” status. Among the different modes of service supply, India is most interested in ‘movement of natural persons’, however, other modes (viz. commercial presence, cross-border supply and consumption abroad) are also important. To make the Indian services sector a global player, first, we need to identify the sectors where the movement of natural persons would result in economic efficiency and long-term economic development. Subsequently, in the identified areas focused efforts should be made to buttress the quality of services by developing specific training programmes. There is a need for temporary movement of skilled and unskilled workers in the developed countries as many of them are short of hands to perform essential duties. We need to develop an efficient system to explore these opportunities and supply the right people. For instance, we have a huge potential of exporting skilled and semi-skilled workers from the unorganised sectors on a temporary basis e.g. farm workers, barbers, masons, tailors and cooks. But they need to be systematically trained. Apart from covering job-specific htmlects these training modules should also include relevant information on issues of legal migration, exploitation of foreign workers, conditions of employment, workers remittances, changes in labour laws, work permits, employment benefits and protection of foreign workers. The government needs to take the lead to initiate the process and gradually involve private sector into it. Creating a national-level institution for the purpose, possibly on the lines of the Kerala Manpower Export Commission, is one way out. This kind of institution can also act as an information hub for domestic service providers to receive knowledge on market access opportunities in other countries. These kind of domestic measures for promoting trade in services are essential for India to become a major player in this relatively new area of the multilateral trading system. Additionally, we need to improve and upgrade our educational, professional and technical qualification system. This will help us in pursuing with our efforts to secure mutual recognition of these qualifications with other countries, particularly potential importers of services. India has to identify the domestic policies and regulatory systems, which have a bearing on market access available in the services sector and subsequently, make required changes to upgrade them. To exploit the full potential of the Indian services sector, comprehensive reforms are required in the insurance sector, banking etc. Moreover, we need to adopt independent regulatory mechanisms that would regulate unfair practices in trade etc, vis-a-vis services sectors to protect vulnerable consumers in the initial years of privatised services. Similarly, India has the potential to become a major destination for foreign tourists, thus increasing possibility of generating more income through ‘consumption abroad’ mode of service supply. But again there is a need to improve necessary infrastructure as well relevant policies in this regard. Therefore, for India to become a major player in global trade in services, we need to take some serious steps. Creation of a proper regulatory environment (with consumers’ involvement) for better quality of services and at reasonable rates is a must. Second, investment in infrastructure (like telephone lines, roads etc.) is to be made for making the Indian services sector globally competitive. And third, the government should take steps to support Indian service providers in establishing their presence in other countries. |
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DOMESTIC AGENDA ON WTO ISSUES-I Labour: Just holding the line is not sufficient Published: Financial Express, February 8, 2002 , By Pradeep S Mehta & Sandeep Singh CUTS Centre for International Trade, Economics and Environment
Our international agenda is determined by how we negotiate or interpret or fight with others on trade issues at the international forums for promoting the best interest of our country in the context of WTO. But equally important is the domestic agenda which requires our government to take note of, in implementing our commitments under WTO, as also to make the best out of it. In our last article (FE, 27th November) we argued that in the post- Doha scenario the issue of labour standards in international trade context is not ‘dead’ as understood by some. The protagonists of social clause, this time lead by the European Union, successfully managed to remove a significant line from the declaration recognising the International Labour Organisation (ILO) as a more suitable place to discuss labour standards. India has been maintaining that labour standards should be dealt with by the ILO and not at the WTO where they have the potential of being misused as a protectionist device. The social clauses are relevant only when there is equal distribution of wealth and resources. However, in reality there are pockets of such poverty in different parts of the world that inclusion of social clauses will only worsen the situation by denying the necessary avenues for jobs. India’s stand is fair enough and this has been supported by most of the developing countries as well. However, this doesn’t seem to be sufficient. Instead of merely opposing the issue we need to make it clear to the world as to why we are holding this line. We have to chalk out an advocacy plan and convince those supporting the issue that a sanction-based approach never works. It only harms the most vulnerable members of society in the targeted country. Importantly, India has the advantage of having a common understanding on this issue among all sectors of the society. Our trade unions and non-governmental organisations among others are also opposing the trade-labour linkage. What has been lacking is that we have not been using this understanding quite effectively. We’ll have to cultivate, resource and use our domestic trade unions and non-governmental organisations to counter the campaign for linkages promoted by their western counterparts. On the other hand, we’ll have to keep our house in order and take some tough actions as well as do long-term planning to deal with the problem of child labour and to ensure worker’s rights in the unorganised sectors. Contrary to common belief in western countries, our organised sector workers are in fact over-protected, and simpler hire and fire laws with safety nets (for the retrenched workers) are needed for efficient functioning of the economy. However, a large majority of our workers fall under the unorganised sector and it is this class which is being increasingly exploited. Our policy-makers need to become a bit more proactive and address the issue of ensuring minimum labour standards for unorganised sector workers in the ongoing labour reforms. In India, as per the Supreme Court’s definition, a vast majority of the labour force is still languishing under conditions of bonded labour and bonded child labour. More than 30 million people are deprived of basic labour standards, besides 65 million children who are working in conditions of bonded child labour. Therefore, nearly every third Indian today is in a condition of one or the other form of forced labour and it is certainly a very tragic situation in world’s largest democracy. Child labour is a huge and complex problem which is not being tackled adequately. Despite a 1996 judgement of the Supreme Court directing the government to identify and rehabilitate child labourers, very little has been done on the ground. Lack of co-ordination among the central and state governments is one of the prominent reasons for this, apart from lack of will and poor implementation of laws. According to a study done by CUTS, India would need a whopping Rs 67,000 crore every year to eradicate actual and potential child labour in the age group of 6-11 years. However, it is disgusting to note that the prevailing red-tapism and lethargic bureaucratic system even doesn’t make adequate use of available resources. In Rajasthan, for instance, a large amount of money deposited in the child labour rehabilitation fund established in 32 districts is lying grossly unutilised. The officials concerned keep on passing the buck and even the 8,110 identified child workers have no choice but to hope for good time. The other states also suffer the same fate. In addition, we also need to address the issue of lower workers’ rights standards in export promotion zones (EPZ) and special economic zones (SEZ), toward which fingers are often being pointed out by western trade unions and NGOs. There is no logic why these zones should have lax labour standards than those in other areas. Often China’s example is quoted by our industry to seek lower standards in these special zones. But with the China’s entry into the WTO, that situation may also change when pressured by the western groups. India is already in the process of reforms to strike a balance between legitimate rights of workers and the objective of providing a framework that could encourage efficiency in the system. The same should be applicable to these zones as well. Importantly, as far as exploitation of workers or child labour is concerned, our own rules in this regard are world-class but are hardly implemented in a proper way. Poor implementation is our own problem and something which we’ll have to address urgently. India’s performance at the international fora on the labour front also depends on how serious it is about improving things at the domestic level. These actions are going to help our own people; in addition, they will also help in shutting the mouths of those advocating social clauses. Therefore, along with these actions India will have to plan its strategies and alliances well in advance to keep this issue out in the next WTO Ministerial meeting as well. It needs to start acting now, otherwise two years will whiz by so fast that we will be caught napping again. |
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Is the vaccine more dangerous than the cure? Published: Times of India, February 8, 2002 , By Soumi Ghosh CUTS Centre for Sustainable Production & Consumption- Calcutta Viral
hepatitis, an infection of the liver caused by the hepatitis B virus (HBV) has
shown an alarmingly increase menace not only in our country but all over the
world. In India, hundreds of people die of this infection. In
1998, France became the first country to suspend the routine immunisation
programme for school children after reports that many children were developing
chronic arthritis and symptoms resembling multiple sclerosis (MS) following the
administration of hepatitis B vaccine. WHO
believes that available scientific data does not demonstrate a casual
association between HB immunisation and central nervous system diseases,
including multiple sclerosis. WHO also claimed that 1 billion doses of hepatitis
B vaccine have been used since 1981 with an outstanding record of safety and
efficacy. Pharmaceutical
companies run the show. Few months earlier, one pharmaceutical firm in Mangalore
created mock panic on dangers of hepatitis B vaccine highlighting that HBV is
more dangerous than HIV. After that six doctors in Mangalore in a letter to
Union Minister for Health and Family Welfare Dr. C.P. Thakur urged him to
formulate a national policy on HBV vaccination and publicise it widely. The
doctors opined that HBV poses risk only to the ‘high-risk group’ and not the
general public. Unlike AIDS, the HBV in 90 percent of cases is cured
spontaneously through the body’s immune system. Simultaneously
infrastructure should be developed nationwide for proper implementation of such
programme. Steps should also be taken against the manufacturers who are creating
artificial terror. Moreover, there should be a law to compensate children adversely affected from any vaccine. Once these are done, the Government can think of including hepatitis B vaccination in the immunisation programme. |
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Vitamin
A drive violated national guideline Published: The Times of India, January 17, 2002 By Soumi Ghosh CUTS Centre for Sustainable Production and Consumption Recently,
sixteen children died in Assam after being administered Vitamin A doses in
UNICEF-Assam Government jointly organised Pulse Vitamin A programme. Several
hundred children were treated in hospitals with stomach ailments and cramps. Moreover,
the volunteers were not properly trained to make the parents understand the
exact dose and the risk involved in administration of overdose. However,
nutrition experts opined that overdose could not be the likely cause of death of
the children as in few cases deaths were also reported from places where the old
spoon of exact measure had been used. But,
the state health minister said that it was not possible to screen every child in
a campaign of such magnitude. He said that the parents should have informed the
volunteers if their children had such problems. The question is, had the parents
been informed in advance about this risk_ If
it was so difficult to take minimum precaution, then the state should not have
gone for such programmes. The authorities have also admitted that children who
been given the Vitamin A dose, belonged to areas prone to intestinal diseases
like diarrhoea, amoebiasis and malaria. Nutrition
expert C. Gopalan thinks that such supplementation programme is totally
unnecessary when green leafy vegetables and seasonal fruits, plentifully
available in the countryside and within the reach of the poor, can control the
problem. |
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How safe is your branded lipstick? Published: The Times of India, January 13, 2002 By Soumi Ghosh CUTS
Centre for Sustainable Production and Consumption For
thousands of years, people have been applying cosmetics to satisfy their desire
to look beautiful. However, the use of chemical cosmetics grew rapidly from the
beginning of the 20th century. |
| Linkages between Trade and Non-Trade issues |